This brings forward the question of aged or infirm judges--a subject of delicacy and yet one which requires frank discussion. Brinkley thinks that Long, Coughlin and the California radical, Dr Townsend, pushed Roosevelt and the Congress into enacting a more comprehensive Social Security law than they would have otherwise. In particular, and prefiguring a key argument of his outstanding The End of Reform, Long and Coughlin failed completely to articulate any real alternative to the emerging capitalistic-corporate-Federal social order that characterizes American life. Isolationism, anti-Semitism combined with conspiracy theories, and anti-banking and anti-Wall Street sentiments were all hallmarks of the ideologically driven 1920s and '30s. In 1932, Senator Long began throwing his energies into a new plan to rid the nation of its most integral problem: the concentration of wealth.
Both appealed to their audiences through considerable personal charisma and their ability to exploit new technologies, particularly radio broadcasting. From his influence on the Presidential Election of 1932 to his Share Our Wealth Plan, Voices of Protest contains all of the information one would want to know about Huey Long's rise and sudden fall after he was assassinated. Within each chapter he ensures he does not stray off topic nor go into extraneous details. There is the use of new media technology to communicate directly to people without needing to rely on existing institutional channels of communication. He could still print his editorials without censorship in his own newspaper, Social Justice. Huey Long: A Candid Biography. Who did it does matter -- significantly, as the last ten years have shown.
Robinson Jeffers, dimensions of a poet, Fordham Univ Press, 1995, p. Huey Long was a fiery young man from the start. He and his ideas were very popular in his home state, but it is unknown whether his ideas would have been embraced on a national level, as he was assassinated a month after announcing his bid to run against Roosevelt in the 1936 presidential election. Just as he began to gain even more support and threaten the 1936 election for Roosevelt, he was assassinated by a relative of one of his political opponents. In which direction are they headed? Walking away from the meeting voicing his full support of the democratic candidate for President, Coughlin showered Roosevelt with adulation on his radio programs and was convinced that the President would take his advice on the economic future of the nation. Then Coughlin, a politic priest is also an issue.
I don't think Brinkley emphasizes that quite enough and himself falls for their charismatic qualities -- a serious shortcoming in an otherwise fine book Read a narrative history, this is a terrific work on two fascinating individuals. Long's approach was to redistribute personal wealth in excess of 1 million dollars to the rest of the nation so as to provide enough for a comfortable living for everyone. How did the Banking Act of 1933 make banks more stable in the long run? The Long-Coughlin programs propose to redistribute wealth, to increase earnings so that higher prices can be paid, so that interests can be paid on inflated bond issues, so that dividends can be paid on watered stocks and the flow of profits continue, which is the same thing as to stabilize exploitation. Both appear to be its loudest and most spectacular spokesmen. They have cast their lot with the system of privilege to exploit labor and they are a part of it. A prolific essayist, Brinkley writes regularly in magazines such as The New York Review of Books, the New York Times Book Review, Newsweek and The New Republic and is an advocate for progressive issues.
The priest failed, and in a sign of decreasing popularity and bitterness he wholeheartedly embraced anti-Semitism and pro-German sympathies before the Catholic Church forced his retirement from public life in the early 1940s. His powerful preaching soon expanded the parish congregation. Both men were flamboyant and masterful at shaping public opinion through the use of publicity, especially the new phenomena of radio. S in 1923 He hosted weekly sermons on a radio show beginning in 1926. The Kingfish and the Constitution: Huey Long, the First Amendment, and the Emergence of Modern Press Freedom in America. Immediate relief was needed, however, and some came in the form of assistance to farmers, and imposition of national control over businesses.
But Brinkley did teach me things I did not know before reading it, therefore, I would recommend it to other readers. Many factories began to give great resistance but they soon came to their senses and agreed to have a unionized work group. In 1932 just before his election, Roosevelt met with and charmed the popular Coughlin. Were Long and the pre-1936 Coughlin demagogues? But for those living through it, the era was a profoundly uncertain time. Proof of this is the continued popularity of their ideas maybe under a different name and guise among the kooks of the modern lunatic fringe like, say, the Larouchites. Huey Long is a staunch supporter of Governor Talmadge of Georgia who declared martial law during the national textile strike and put the strikers wholesale into concentration camps. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999.
Professor Brinkley analyzes the populist dissident movements of the 1930's led by Huey Long and Father Charles Coughlin. Rather than stressing questions of religion, ethnicity, race, or personal morality, they raised issues that only a few years before had seemed all but dead: issues of privilege, wealth, and centralized power, and the failure of political institutions to deal with them. For the first time, authorities required regular radio broadcasters to seek operating permits. Brinkley argues both men attracted large followings accross the nation by the use of the radio and mass-circulation print publications. But he is trying to extricate himself through militant struggle from his politically illiterate past and is learning to stand erect as a class fighter.
Having spent the first 27 years of my life in Louisiana , I had some familiarity with Huey Long and his reputation, but all I knew of Coughlin was that he was a radio blow-hard whose oratory appealed to Americans' fears and prejudices and that he eventually earned a reputation as an anti-semite. I don't think there is a more appropriate time to read this book than right now. A fascinating read about two very different men with different visions for where the country should go and how it should get there during the 1930's. Hoping to avoid such a potentially sensational and divisive sedition trial, Biddle arranged to end the publication of Social Justice itself. American historians such as Richard Hofstadter, meatime, found in American radicalism the same linkages between charismatic leadership and mass man. Father Coughlin was given his own parish in a tiny village of North Branch, Michigan. But he does present a economic reformist aspect to their movements that is no longer known -- even among historians.
It will attempt to march ahead on the backs of the workers, attempt to corral them to its support by means of deception and thus function as a brake to arrest the revolutionary growth and advance of the working class movement. Radio Priest: Charles Coughlin The Father of Hate Radio. It seems that the Huey Long and Father Coughlin movements are destined to become the most important phenomena of this kind. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. Although Long ignored any detailed questions of how this plan would be instituted and enforced, he had a tremendous national following which proved just how desperate and radical the majority in America had seemingly become. Green gives his legislative labor record a clean bill of health.
I found this book interesting for several reasons. I found myself wanting to know what these men did to bring support to their social causes. His proposals made sense to the common people. More than that is needed, for they represent a specific phenomenon of the epoch of capitalist decline and decay. Their programs ultimately failed because the economic move to centralization had already gone on for far too long. His value was mainly as a propagandist and cheerleader. Coughlin, a Catholic priest from an industrial suburb near Detroit.